DW: An estimated 70,000 people have died in the Syrian civil war so far. Following an alleged Israeli airstrike, Iran and Syria recently threatened retaliation. Egypt faces continued violent clashes between the Muslim Brotherhood and the opposition. Have you ever considered, over the past weeks, giving up your job as EU envoy for the Middle East peace process? 

Andreas Reinicke: No, but I have considered doubling the job or the working hours. But of course, you are right. The situation in Syria above all is worrying and tragic. You’ve indicated the air strike on a site near Damascus. This is just another factor that shows just how difficult the security situation is in Syria, also relating to its neighbors. We have the additional problem of the Syrian poison gas potential that everyone is worried about and we have the problem of the Palestinian refugees. There are about one million Palestinian refugees in Syria who are trying to remain as neutral as possible because they have no alternative to turn to. Some have meanwhile fled to Jordan and Lebanon and you can only suspect the problems that will entail.

Egypt has often played a very constructive and important role in the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, in the wider Mideast in general, in the past. Do you believe Egypt can assume this role in the future with a government headed by the Muslim Brotherhood after remarks by Egypt’s President Morsi were recently made public that could possibly cast doubt on such a move? 

We must acknowledge that the entire Arab world and the region are also caught up in a phase of strategic reorientation. Previous coalitions no longer really work and there has been a change in players. We’ve mentioned Syria, Morsi and Egypt are another area. Saudi Arabia is seeking a new role and the Gulf States also wonder what the future will bring in relation to their ties with Iran. That adds up to many new constellations.

What is clear is that Egypt will play a weighty role even under the new president. I am in touch with the Egyptians to discuss the possibilities, and it is a long-drawn out discussion process. But Egypt realizes it must be constructive, and it has in fact shown in the case of the Gaza conflict that it is in a position to play a constructive role.

So you do not fear that Egypt will constrain rather than drive the Mideast peace process?

I believe all states, including Egypt, realize the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a problem that must be solved. They know their actual problems are domestic. And they also know that the Palestinian conflict is a problem that causes unrest in the entire Arab world. A solution is in everyone’s interest, also in Egypt’s. But it is a difficult route and we hope that, with the new US administration and the willpower of the EU and its 27 member states, we can make a new attempt this year and make some headway.

You’ve mentioned the US whose commitment is generally regarded as indispensible for a chance at success in the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. Do you see any signs- and are you hopeful – that President Obama will make a fresh start in the peace process during his second term in office?

The US plays an important and decisive role in the solution of the conflict, we all know that. But the Europeans will also play an increasingly important role, the European Foreign Ministers have repeatedly made remarks along those lines over the past months.

We’ve heard US Secretary of State John Kerry’s remarks in the Senate hearing, showing the significance he attaches to the issue. The coming weeks and months will show how things develop. In any case, the EU, foreign policy chief Catherine Ashton and I are in close contact with the US administration to explore the means and routes how we can take these steps together.

What do you expect from the new Israeli government – itself an important part of any solution to the Mideast conflict?

We expect the new government, currently still in the process of being formed, to be open to a two-state solution. Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu accepted it in his speech at Bar Ilan University and we would like to see the new government take up his route and be open to negotiations just as we expect the Palestinians to continue to be open to talks after the UN General Assembly vote.

Apart from the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the debate about the Iranian nuclear program is another hotspot for the entire region. The US and Israel recently once again said they would not tolerate Iranian nuclear weapons and again said they would not exclude a military option. What is the EU’s position on this issue?

You know the EU and EU foreign policy chief Catherine Ashton have a Security Council mandate to hold the E3+3 (Britain, France, Germany, the US, Russia and China - the ed.) talks with Iran. We have been negotiating for quite a while, with great patience and seriousness. We will continue in that vein for the time being and hope the Iranian government will understand how serious the situation is – and recognize the chances and opportunities the new US administration offers them.

Andreas Reinicke served as Germany’s ambassador to Syria from 2008 to 2012. He was appointed the EU’s special envoy for the Mideast Peace Process in February 2012.

Observers suggest emerging markets such as China, Russia and India could overtake the traditional global patent market leaders Germany, Japan and the United States in the coming years. Turkey wants to join this new list of patent elites. The latest studies show that Asia dominates 35 percent of the world’s total R&D investment outpacing the US with 28 percent and Europe with 23 percent. Most of the innovation investments have also begun shifting to the Asian markets over the past few years.

Discussing the “new role of the TPE” with Today’s Zaman, TPE board chairman Habip Asan said on Wednesday they are prepared to receive accreditation from the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) to grant the TPE the right of “search and authorization for patents in foreign countries.”  “Our office meets all the necessary requirements for accreditation from WIPO except a necessity of employing the appropriate number of specialists, which is 100. … we expect the planned new law to enable us to hire new people to meet this requirement.” Asan said the TPE planned to hire 100 new assistant specialists before the end of 2013, after which they can apply to WIPO to declare them an internationally recognized patent provider. Asan said they could receive WIPO’s approval before the end of next year.

The TPE registers trademarks, patents, license agreements and such rights upon application inside Turkey. In terms of the number of patent applications, the TPE was the busiest office in Europe and ranked ninth in the world in 2012. “We have Russia, Austria, Egypt and Israel doing this job in our target markets. We believe that Turkey will easily attract people ???inventors/companies??? for patent applications, building on its advantages such as having a relatively improved infrastructure and being a member of the European Patent Organization (EPO).” Customers pay 2,000 euros on average per patent application, but this number can reach 3,500 euros in some cases, which requires a wider study for eligibility. “We could start receiving between 50 and 100 applications for patents from the surrounding markets in our first year as an international provider,” Asan added.

He also explained that Turkey could capitalize on its increasing political clout in the Middle East, North Africa and Turkic Republics in this regard. “We already carry out promotional activities in these regions. The TPE is going to, for instance, organize seminars on property rights and patents in 15 African countries jointly with the Turkish Cooperation and Development Agency (TİKA) this year. We received positive feedback, thus laying the foundation for future partnerships.” A draft of updates in the law — prepared by Ergün’s office and sent to Cabinet — proposes stricter monitoring and harsher fines on infringement. Referring to a number of litigation cases popularly known as “patent wars” in global markets, Ergün said on Tuesday that Turkey had to repair the loopholes in laws regulating property rights. The new law anticipates penalties of up to TL 1 million or three years in prison for violation of copyright — as in the case of counterfeiting — along with the incorrect publication of geographical indications as defined by the state.

One of the most critical changes with the anticipated new law is the increased subsidies for projects developed by academics. Inspired the Bayh-Dole Act in the US, Turkey plans to offer increased incentives for university projects, promising that the holder of a patent receive as high as 30 percent of the revenue generated from his/her project. Asan says this was a belated move but it is not too late for Turkey to encourage a partnership between the university and the private sector in innovative projects, a key factor to help the country enhance its added-value products.

Source: Zaman

But then he changed his mind and decided to go for it. In 2008, he entered what politically speaking was “hostile territory” and was recruited by the Super League club A.S. Shiraz.

Sheppard, who was born in the US Virgin Islands, quickly became a superstar in the Iranian league. At the same time, he was entering a world that was completely foreign to him.

Regular discussions with a group of three young, educated Iranian women helped him adjust and understand his new home, but also share his own opinions. Sheppard’s apartment became an oasis where they could openly talk about politics, gender roles, love, and sex.

This week, Sheppard’s story has come to German cinemas in Till Schauder’s film “The Iran Job,” which premiered last summer at the Los Angeles Film Festival.

Basketball diplomacy

Filmmaker Schauder is a basketball fan himself, and is married to an American with Iranian roots, so the story was close to his heart from the beginning. In 2008 he first learned that a handful of American basketball players were active in the Iranian Super League.

“When I heard that Americans were playing such an American sport in Iran, I immediately thought of the so-called ping-pong diplomacy of the 1970s,” Schauder said. Chinese and American table tennis players played an important role in improving political ties between the two countries in the 1970s.

The film director was curious to find out whether the American basketball players were having a similar influence in encouraging cultural understanding between the US and Iran. By making a film about one of them, he wanted to take a closer look at the reality in the “enemy” country and do away with prejudices that had developed.

The first challenge

Together with his wife, Sara Nodjoumi, who acted as producer, Schauder set out to look for a player to portray. But it wasn’t as easy as he’d thought.

“The five or six Americans I met weren’t at all interested in being filmed,” he recalled. “In multiple cases, the Americans had run into legal problems when they tried to return to the US. They were accused of breaking the embargo against Iran by earning money in the country as professional athletes.”

After a year of searching in vain for a protagonist, Schauder came into contact with Kevin Sheppard via Skype and the star from the Virgin Islands agreed to do the job.

 

Clandestine cameras

Filming in Iran proved to be Schauder’s next hurdle. He had to film in secret, since he didn’t have a journalist’s visa and had entered the country as a tourist. Equipped with a tiny camera and wireless microphone – everything fit into his backpack – he set to work.

When Schauder met physiotherapist Hilda and her friends Laleh and Elaheh in Sheppard’s apartment for the first time, he was impressed by their courage and strong character.

“The women in Iran have an unbelievable potential that is not being used. It’s basically wasted because, unlike the men, they have to overcome many obstacles in everyday life,” Schauder said.

In the winter of 2008/2009, Schauder made several trips to the country to film “The Iran Job.” In 2009, the political situation became tense in the wake of Iran’s disputed presidential election and the opposition held mass demonstrations. Each time Schauder left the country, he had to hide his video tapes among his underwear in his luggage. He sent some of the tapes to his mother in Germany, who in turn sent them on to New York, where Schauder and Nodjoumi live.

On the blacklist

When leaving Iran for the last time, Schauder discovered that he had been blacklisted. He had to spend a night in a kind of prison hotel near the airport in Tehran and wasn’t permitted to leave the country until the following day.

Looking back, he considers himself very lucky to have been released, considering how many journalists and filmmakers were given prison sentences at the time.

By the time the film was finished in 2012, the political climate in Iran had worsened to such an extent that more and more Iranians were leaving the country – including two of the three female protagonists in “The Iran Job” who had philosophized with Kevin Sheppard in his living room.

Tariq Ramadan is president of the think tank European Muslim Network (EMN) in Brussels, a professor of contemporary Islamic studies at Oxford University and a visiting professor at the Faculty of Islamic Studies in Qatar. Grandson of Muslim Brotherhood founder Hassan al-Banna and son of Said Ramadan, founder of the group’s Palestinian branch, Tariq Ramadan has contributed to debates surrounding the issues of Muslims in the West and Islamic revival in the Muslim world. He is active at academic and grassroots levels, lecturing extensively throughout the world and is the author of a number of books, most recently “Islam and the Arab Awakening.”

Speaking to Sunday’s Zaman, he discussed the ongoing events in the Middle East and explored the challenges ahead for the region in attempting to embrace democracy after generations of authoritarian rule. He called on Muslims to stop blaming the West and to instead come up with a new vision. In addressing the real questions, he said that the Arab world has a historic opportunity to rid itself of its victim status and to create a truly new dynamic. Ramadan also highlighted the distinctiveness of the Turkish model of governance and raised doubts about its potential to inform political discourse in the Middle East.

In your book “Islam and the Arab Awakening,” you particularly focus on the question of whether it’s wrong to consider recent events in the Arab world to be revolutions or whether they are more uprisings that are being manipulated and, to some extent, controlled from all sides, not just from the West. Can you please elaborate on this?

I never used — from the very beginning — the concept of spring or even revolution, because revolution means much more to me than what we are witnessing. … What we are now seeing on the ground in Egypt and Tunisia, expecting that this movement will change everything — it’s not happening. All this perception — that nothing was known by the West and the revolutions came all of a sudden, out of nothing — was not true. We have facts now and they confirm what is now happening in Syria. We know that Freedom House, Albert Einstein Institute, the State Department in the [US] but also many [other] institutions and international institutions … trained people to push towards what they were calling the “uprising” in the Middle East.

So here we have people pushing and states pushing, and we have to ask ourselves why. Because they were controlling the dictators before and even dealing with [the late Col. Muammar] Gaddafi because he came back onto the international scene. And, in fact, the problem that we had from the beginning was that we were thinking in political terms, not in geo-strategically economic terms, because, [as] for the [United] States as well as Europe, they were losing ground in the region in the presence of new actors among them. … As we know, Brazil, Russia, China, Malaysia, Indonesia and Turkey are new players in the region.

So, I think that if we look at the political dimensions, we are misled, and if you look now [at] what is happening in Egypt and what is happening in Tunisia, you can get it. But in fact it is not about the political structures. Tunisia is an assisted economy now. It is impossible for Tunisia to survive without the support of Western countries, especially [the] World Bank and IMF [International Monetary Fund]. [It is] exactly the same with Egypt.

This has to do with strategy, so the whole process is far from being revolutionary. It’s a new positioning; now you can see everything was manipulated and pushed and what we can see is that no one was expecting the Syrian citizens to be so courageous and to take [to] the street. That’s why for eight months the American administration and the European administration were asking [Syrian President] Bashar al-Assad to reform and even the Turkish prime minister was hoping it would … reform. After that, they realized it was not going to happen and people were ready to die. So what was not manipulated is the intellectual awakening and the sense [of] the people that you can remove a dictator, and this is irreversible; this is what was gained in the whole process. But this way of romanticiz[ing], in a way of dealing with revolution and the spring — what spring? Which country succeeded today? … Libya is fractured, Egypt is unsettled, Syria is in civil war [and in] Yemen there are tensions.

How has the Arab Spring affected the women of the region? How are activists and politicians seeking progress for women in this uncertain and evolving landscape?

It’s clear that [when] taking to the streets in Midan at-Tahrir [Tahrir Square] in Egypt, there were a great deal of women involved. … I think that there is an awareness here. They were one of the driving forces within the whole process and this is very important. To have a resistance process, as we had, with women being involved was one thing. [It is] another thing to look at what can come afterwards with the presence of women in building the country. … We also have to ask ourselves how the West is portraying this. They are doing now what they did with Turkey after [Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip] Erdoğan took over, saying, “Oh, the country’s going to be Islamized and you’ll see headscarves everywhere.” So, for them, headscarves mean Islamization, and Islamization means [fewer] rights for women.

My answer to this is completely [the] opposite. You’re not free depending on the way you dress; you are free on two conditions. [The] first is access to education. [Is their access] to education the same as men? … For example, in Turkey, it’s now a reality: Women are now doing better than men [when it comes to being] educated and better educated. In North African and Middle Eastern countries it’s not the case.

What is missing — and this is the second parameter on which we can evaluate if we are dealing with empowering women — is access to the general market, and … access to the general market is essential because this is where you get your recognition, your financial autonomy and something which is your freedom. If you don’t have this, then all that is happening now, after the uprisings, is not enough. We don’t have a policy based on liberating from political oppression and emancipating from male discrimination. So it’s positive as a process, but it’s not achieved as a project.

There exists a fear that the fall of autocratic regimes will result in the takeover of more totalistic, extremist elements. Are these fears well founded?

This is … very old rhetoric, coming from dictators and from Western administrations. … [It’s] rhetoric we’ve had for 40 years. In Egypt, Mubarak said: “If it’s not me it’s going to be the Muslim Brotherhood, and the Muslim Brotherhood are not moderate, because there is nothing like ‘moderate Islamists.’ Moderate Islamist is a contradiction in terms.” And this was what he was selling, and very quickly it was bought by the West and promoted as such. [It was] exactly the same with [Zine El Abidine] Ben Ali in Tunisia. Now what we can see … is that the counter powers coming even from the Islamists are not autocrats and they are not tyrants — they are not dictators. It doesn’t mean because you are not dictators that you are now ready to deal with the democratic process. It’s a long process and you have to take into account the competing forces in society. Look what is happening in Tunisia and Egypt, where you have the Islamists/Muslim Brotherhood and Salafi, and the Salafi are also pushed and you have the jihadists going towards more violence; you have the secularists pushing in one direction and you have the army. The country’s political forces are scattered [but] there is a popular awareness that they do not want dictators again. … They were united against [dictatorship] but they are scattered [in terms of] what they want.

What would be the effect on Israel of the emergence of democracy in the region? Can Israel live with Arab democracy?

The personal adviser to Erdoğan … said the question is not to ask if Muslims are ready for democracy, or are Arabs ready for democracy. The question is to ask [is] if the West is ready for Arab democracy. Do, for example … the great powers of today want democracy? Are they ready for that, because they had been supporting dictators that were protecting their interests? What does it mean if we have true transparent democracies in the Middle East? No one can deny the fact that 80-90 per cent of the people are not happy with the Israeli policy … so there is popular support towards the Palestinians. … True democracy in the region would mean to question the Israeli policy and the way they are dealing with Palestinians. So this is why we have to differentiate between what would be the ideal democratic states and what is the reality today. In fact, in every country they are facing so many problems that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a secondary issue and they are not going to change anything. What you can hear now from the leadership in Egypt [is that] they don’t want to touch the agreement [with Israel]. Tunisia is exactly the same, and even in Turkey we might say it’s good because Erdoğan is taking symbolic positions and [making] very strong statements, but in practical terms this is not changing the reality of the relationship.

Can the Turkish model be relevant for the Arab Spring? Does Turkey represent the path that future Arab democracies should follow?

I have been following the situation in Turkey for the last 20 years. … Erdoğan came, and there is a gap between what he is doing now and what was done before. And then there is a point, which is important, that he has been very successful [in] three fields. The first one is [that] he was able to act against corruption and to try to have more transparent political processes within society. It’s not perfect, and still there is a lot to do in Turkey … but there is a trend here which is important.

The second is the way the current government dealt with the army — in fact, all this discussion with the EU, to integrate [with the] EU, was very smart because this is from where they were able to settle the army … by saying that the [secularism] that is advocated by the EU is not the secular system advocated by the army. … So this is something that happened over the last seven years that is very important because this is where the country is moving toward something important, [and that] is a true democratic process and not a democratic process under the authority of the army as a guardian. When the army is protecting democracy, it’s a problem.

So the third thing is in economic terms, and this is where I think the Turkish model was successful: They are winning the elections because they are successful in current terms and they are [doing] much better even than the great majority, if not all, of the European countries. … [However] what Egypt is experiencing now — or Tunisia — [is that] they don’t have the same assets and they don’t have the same history and they don’t have the same potential.

So what is a model is people saying, “We have an Islamic reference but we have now to open up what is an ‘Islamic reference’.” … Now the choices that are made within the society as to what are the priorities, the choices, to be integrated into the international global economic order, this could be disputable. I would dispute by saying which type of alternative are you proposing, and the Turkish on this are not very much proposing something, except what I saw in the last two years with this shift towards the south and the east. … So I wouldn’t judge too quickly, but I think we still have to remain critical of the Turkish experience in a positive way, not denying that many things have been done right. … But the future of ethics in politics is not to fall into the trap of competing with the global economy as if this is the right thing to do. And the second thing here is not to buy the security measures that are imposed by the West as ours. … And the last point is, beyond the symbolic attitude towards Israel, what is really being done by Turkey to help this conflict to be solved?

Considering the misunderstanding and even conflicts between Islam and the West, is the EU’s refusal to let Turkey in [as a member] more about the clash of cultures, or is it about perceptions?

The fact that the EU is refusing to integrate Turkey reveals lots of things. First, it’s clear that they have an economic concern, by saying that there are millions of Turkish people who [might] come [to the EU]. … The second is the perception that Islam is not a European religion and Turks are mainly Muslims, so it [would be] welcoming an alien element within the European continent. So it’s revealing that the European narrative is not encompassing the Turkish element. … This is where Turkish intellectuals, Turkish politicians and Turkish journalists could be much more assertive as to the European dimension of the Turkish experience. It’s not done enough. It’s done very much in economic terms to integrate [into the] EU. But it’s not presenting the fundamental elements of the EU experience. It’s just structural, which, by the way, is not really democratic.

The Kurdish question, freedom of expression and freedom of religious minorities remain a key challenge for Turkey’s democracy and are said to remain unresolved during the Justice and Development Party’s [AK Party] rule. Do you think the work on the [new] constitution could be a solution to these conflicts?

The situation needs to be tackled and then answered, and I think that beyond the Turkish emotions, there is something in the history and memory of the Turkish nation. … It is dangerous if we keep on tackling it in emotional terms. We should do it in political terms. … If we want to solve the problem we should be clear and consistent with our principles: freedom of expression, freedom of minorities to be accepted and respected within the society. … The current Turkish government should be more consistent when dealing with minorities. The Turkish government is doing very well on many issues … but I keep repeating this, “You should learn to leave.” And I repeat it to the Turkish people; it’s good to be elected, and it’s good to run the country, but history should teach you. And part of your success is to leave at the right time and not to stay too long.

Profile

Tariq Ramadan is professor of Contemporary Islamic Studies at Oxford University (Oriental Institute, St. Antony’s College) and also teaches at the Oxford Faculty of Theology. He is visiting professor at the Faculty of Islamic Studies (Qatar) and the University of Malaysia Perlis; senior research fellow at Doshisha University (Kyoto, Japan) and director of the Research Centre of Islamic Legislation and Ethics (CILE) (Doha, Qatar). He holds an MA in philosophy and French literature and a Ph.D. in Arabic and Islamic Studies from the University of Geneva. In Cairo, Egypt, he received one-on-one intensive training in classic Islamic scholarship from al-Azhar University scholars (ijazat in seven disciplines). Through his writings and lectures Tariq has contributed to the debate on the issues of Muslims in the West and Islamic revival in the Muslim world. He is active at academic and grassroots levels, lecturing extensively throughout the world on theology, ethics, social justice, ecology and interfaith as well intercultural dialogue. He is president of the European Muslim Network (EMN) think tank in Brussels.

(Source: Tofay’s Zaman)

But her notoriety and her activism for the sake of every Pakistani girl’s education nearly cost Malala her life. Today she lives, temporarily at least, in Birmingham, England, close to the Queen Elizabeth Hospital, where specialists and caregivers are helping her recover from a Taliban bullet.She has far to go on her recovery but her influence has already been felt in the UK and all around the world thanks to extensive domestic and international media coverage.The Taliban and Malala

Malala’s differences with the Taliban over the rights of girls became clear soon after the Taliban swept into her beloved Swat Valley near the border with Afghanistan. A Taliban spokesman reportedly called her activism an “obscenity” and a “symbol of Western culture…she was openly propagating.”

So on October 9, 2012, the Taliban called upon one of its assassins to step onto a busload of terrified schoolchildren and shoot Malala in the head. “Let this be a lesson,” a Taliban spokesman said.

Pakistani doctors were able to remove the bullet from Malala’s head and saved her life. They then sent her to the hospital in Birmingham where British soldiers are often sent for recovery from catastrophic head wounds.

Malala was released from the hospital earlier this month to her family – her mother, father and two young brothers, all now staying in Birmingham – but only for a couple of weeks because she’s due back soon for cranial reconstruction surgery, hospital doctors said.

A role model beyond Pakistan?

Malala Yousafzai’s recovery and stay in the UK means she may well become an influential figure beyond her Pakistani roots. Not coincidentally, Malala’s father, Ziauddin Yousafzai, an educator and education advocate himself, was last month given a diplomatic post by the Pakistani government at its Birmingham consulate. That will allow Malala and her family to remain in the UK for three to five years.

Maryam Duale, the former head of Young Muslims UK, already envisions Malala speaking at UK schools, mosques and community centers. “She is a source of hope,” said Ms. Duale, who sees a potential impact on girls like her very own 13-year-old sister.

“She absolutely hates reading. I can believe [Malala] would be a massive inspiration for them and help them understand there are some people in the world who have to literally give their lives for education,” Ms. Duale added.

Najhabur Haq, a first-year economics student at Queen Mary University, believes the most conservative Muslim families may see Malala as a threat but also, perhaps, as an inspiration. “Islam actually says everyone should get the education they want,” Ms. Haq said. “She can be a great role model for girls.”

Changing social attitudes

Maleiha Malik, a professor at London’s King’s College, too, thinks Malala will have influence on girls. But Malik thinks more broadly including consideration for the men who head up male-dominated Muslim families.

“We have to think strategically about how we shift the behavior and the social attitudes of men within these families,” Malik said.

On that count, Malala may have help from her father, Ziauddin Youfsafzai. His potentially behavior-shifting role, not only for the Pakistan government, but as a special envoy for the United Nations on global education, could carry weight from Birmingham throughout Europe and back to his – and Malala’s – home country.

Pending Malala’s recovery, Ziauddin Youfsafzai expects to keep his family in the UK for at least three years before a likely return to Pakistan, he has said, so he and Malala can help to further the educational opportunities for every young person, no matter their gender.